Dhulian municipality is an important centre under the jurisdiction of the Samserganj police station in Murshidabad. Adjacent to it lies the village of Jafarabad, part of the Tinpakuria Gram Panchayat, where on April 12, 2025, an extreme outburst of communal violence occurred. Two individuals from the Hindu community were brutally murdered. On the same day, in the Dhulian market, under the direct protection of the BSF, RSS workers unleashed terror on the Muslim community from morning till night. Prior to this, over several days, the Samserganj and neighboring  areas under Suti police station witnessed severe state-sponsored repression on the spontaneous movement opposing the Waqf Amendment Act. On the day before the Jafrabad incident, April 11, in the Suti police station area, a muslim youth was shot dead by the police, and many others were injured by gunfire by BSF in Tarbagan on April 12. 

In this context, on April 18 and 19, 2025, a delegation from CPI(ML) Liberation conducted a fact-finding investigation across the affected areas. Our observations are as follows: 

1) A deep conspiracy to orchestrate planned communal violence in the region of centuries old harmony and peaceful coexistence

On April 12, in broad daylight, a frenzied mob dragged Haragobind Das and his son Chandan Das from their home in Jafarabad and hacked them to death. Their house was vandalized, with visible damage to the front door. Villagers reported that the mob consisted of over a hundred people. Jafarabad has around 100–125 Hindu households, many of which were attacked, some were set on fire, and several were looted. Simultaneously, in the neighboring villages of Betbona, Ranipur, and Digri, Hindu localities were targeted, with houses set ablaze and looted. Women were subjected to obscene and abusive language. The attackers hurled communal slurs while vandalizing and throwing bombs. In Betbona, a similar pattern was observed; where Hindu-owned shops were selectively targeted while adjacent Muslim shops were left untouched. For nearly three to four hours, this mayhem continued, during which villagers repeatedly called the Samserganj police station but received no help or protection. The SDPO’s office was just 1 km away, and the police station was 3 km away. The BSF, deployed to suppress the anti-Waqf Amendment Act protests, was stationed nearby in Dhulian but remained inactive. 

This violence was not the result of any pre-existing communal tension. The Hindu residents of Jafarabad, especially the women, repeatedly emphasized that for many years, people of both communities have lived together harmoniously in social life—participating in each other's festivals and celebrations with warmth and camaraderie. Similarly, the Muslim residents of Kashemnagar in Suti Block No. 1 also affirmed that 'no one has ever even spoken ill of the other.'

There was no specific provocative incident or communal tension between the two communities in Jafarabad immediately preceding this attack. The nature of these killings and acts of terror suggests this was not a spontaneous outburst of mob violence, but rather a meticulously planned campaign of terror aimed at inciting communal hatred. Jafarabad is a Muslim majority area. As our vehicle passed through the area towards the attacked Hindu localities, Muslim youth gathered on both sides of the road repeatedly helped guiding our way. Their body language showed no signs of hatred or hostility and their sympathy for the victims was evident. We found no evidence that local residents, driven by religious animosity, would attack their own neighbors in this manner.

When asked about the attackers' identities, villagers said all faces were covered, making recognition difficult. Even if some recognized the perpetrators, fear of future harassment likely prevented them from speaking out. However, a few villagers hinted at involvement from a particular community, mentioning the neighboring Shulitola village - an area locally referred to as the "anti-social quarter." No villagers named any political party or leader as being behind the attacks. All expressed deep distrust on the police administration and feelings of insecurity. Everyone recounted fleeing in different directions to save their lives.

The critical question remains: Was there a calculated political agenda behind this attack? Were the attackers mobilized to serve this purpose? Who were the real forces behind this violence? Was the objective to establish narratives like "Hindus under attack" or "Jihadi assault"? No clear answers or evidence emerged regarding these questions and it needs further deep social investigation. We learned several affected families had gone to Malda camp, with the reported intervention of  BJP leaders. Others said they had taken refuge with relatives in Jharkhand. Six days after the incident, reassured by neighbors, some families began returning to the village. It was also reported that, many families were brought back from the camps by the administration.

2. Criminal Inaction of Police Administration and the TMC Government's Deplorable Tactics

Why did the police and the patrolling BSF forces stationed nearby fail to intervene during the four-hour-long frenzy of violence? Was this sheer administrative incompetence, or deliberate inaction? The matter demands investigation. While no credible evidence confirms whether the attackers were outsiders, the inter-state and border-adjacent geographical location makes this possibility plausible.

The Samserganj assembly constituency falls under the Malda (South) Lok Sabha seat, currently held by Congress. However, the panchayats and municipality are under TMC control. The ruling party displayed complete inaction in addressing the situation. The FIR filed by the bereaved Hindu family names four individuals from Shulitola and two from Digri, all from minority communities. The police invoked Section 103 related to murder during property-related robbery. Most arrests were minority youths from Shulitola.

Earlier in Murshidabad district, communal violence had erupted in Beldanga as well. No proper investigation was conducted, nor were the perpetrators arrested. Here too, the state administration’s shockingly silent role follows the same pattern. Does allowing violence to escalate and then projecting themselves as protectors constitute the Trinamool government’s strategy? This question remains unanswered.

3. Not just "Hindus Attacked"! Muslims also face large-scale violence, Unprecedented State Terror on Waqf Protests

The anti-Waqf amendment movement began in Dhulian on April 8. Over subsequent days, protest marches continued. In Dhulian market, under BSF protection, RSS workers with swords openly carried out attacks, while at Tarabagan, BSF personnel opened fire, injuring several protesters.

The day before the Jafarabad incident, on Friday afternoon, April 11, a protest march against the Waqf amendments was organized at Saju More in Suti block. When police began lathi-charge, clashes erupted between protesters and police. During this confrontation, police firing killed Ejaz Ahmed, a migrant laborer who had joined the protest. Our team visited Ejaz’s home and conducted house-to-house visits in his neighborhood and across the affected area to document these events.

From the midnight of April 11 till dawn, extensive police raids were carried out in the villages of Kashemnagar and Kumrapur in Suti. Numerous villagers, especially women, described these police operations as horrific. The forces arrived not only with heavy firearms but also carrying crowbars and thick sticks. Some were seen wearing half-pants, and a few had on flip-flops. They used crowbars to break down doors and entered homes, unleashing widespread terror. They began beating up all the young men indiscriminately and hurled obscene, vulgar abuse at the women in the houses. Even small boys were severely beaten. Several motorcycles were broken. A total of 71 people, including many minors, were taken away by the police. In no case was any arrest receipt or documentation provided to the families. When women went to the police station to inquire about the paperwork, they were driven away. The fear was clearly visible on their faces. Later, through inquiries, the villagers came to know that they were charged under extremely serious criminal sections, and 9 of them were placed in 9 days of police custody. Villagers from Kashemnagar reported that at least 30 of those taken were minors.

Although there were some destructive and aggressive elements involved in the movement, they were not the dominant force. The people of Kashemnagar said that the day before the shooting incident, the officer-in-charge of Suti police station had come and warned them to stop the protest rally. Villagers questioned whether they no longer had the democratic right to peaceful protest. Driven by a sense of rights, a large number of people, particularly the youth had gathered for the rally, much like in other parts of the state.

Even five days after the terror, people remained deeply afraid. Young men could not stay at home at night. It was observed that there was growing anger among the minority community against the ruling Trinamool Congress. A few Muslim organizations were seen gaining ground in the area.

4. The claim that the Waqf movement turned violent and suddenly took the shape of a communal riot is an absolute falsehood.

In Suti, one of the main centers of the Waqf movement, where the police shot and killed a young man and many others were seriously injured by gunfire, there is not a single report of communal violence. In that area, it was a joint operation of police and BSF that unleashed terror. The Waqf movement is entirely anti-state; it is not at all directed against the Hindu community.

In conversations with Muslim citizens across various areas, no evidence was found of any anger or aggression directed at Hindus over this issue. Notably, in Dhulian Bazaar, acts of terror were carried out openly by RSS workers under the protection of the BSF, and incidents in Tarbagan (under Dhulian Municipality) are also worth mentioning.

On the morning of April 12, in Tarbagan, the BSF forces or, in the words of the locals, "a group dressed in BSF uniforms" opened fire on protesting people. Twelve individuals were shot. Four of the injured were admitted to Baharampur Medical College Hospital, among whom one, 12-year-old Hasan Sheikh, is in critical condition as informed to the fact finding team when they visited the homes.

On April 12, Muslim-owned shops were set ablze and being looted in Dhulian market. However, no Hindu homes were attacked there. The fact-finding team visited and inspected those shops owned by minorities and spoke with local people. It was not large businesses that were targeted, but mostly small shops that faced destruction and looting. In the entire Samsherganj region, incidents of attacks on Hindus were reported only in Jafrabad, Betbona, and two adjacent villages. Had the Muslim community truly engaged in "communal riots," many more Hindu-populated villages would have been attacked. In that particular legislative assembly area, 82% of the voters are Muslim.

Photo: Fact Finding at the house of Jafrabad victims (Haragobindo Das and Chandan Das).

5. The Rise of Hindutva Forces

In this region, Hindutva forces have been steadily increasing their activities. This became even more evident during the Waqf movement. In this context, the inaction of the BSF and police administration was noticeable. In fact, the ruling party and the administration seemed to be working hand in hand with them. On the day of the incident, a scuffle broke out during a protest march in Dhuliyan town, under Shamsherganj police station, over an incident of stone-pelting.

The Shamsherganj police station is located right on the main road of Dhuliyan town. From the morning till late at night on April 12, acts of terror against the Muslim community were carried out openly in the Dhuliyan Bazaar area, right under the nose of the police. In front of selected houses, sword-wielding mobs roared threats, shops were set on fire, and looting took place. The Hindutva extremists did not hide their faces or identities. These events were executed with clear premeditated planning. RSS workers from Ghoshpara carried out acts of terror in broad daylight, without concealing who they were.

The state BJP leadership and its propaganda machinery openly spread communal hatred. On the second day of the visit of  fact-finding team, it was observed that these same leaders, along with the Governor, were actively fueling divisive politics among the affected and outraged people. The Governor visited the Hindu neighborhoods of Jafrabad but did not go to the home of the slain Muslim youth in Suti. The message was clear.

The state government has completely failed to curb the deep and direct influence of RSS and conspirators within the police force.

6. The Role of the BSF

The BSF is authorized to enter up to 50 kilometers inside the border areas (previously it was 15 km). Large parts of Shamsherganj and Suti fall within this zone. According to protocol, they are supposed to coordinate with the state police to maintain law and order. But why did they not play any effective role?

In the Hindu-populated areas that were attacked, the BSF was stationed very nearby yet remained completely inactive. They allowed the attackers to commit murders, arson, and other acts of violence with impunity.

In contrast, their behavior in Muslim areas was drastically different. There, the BSF launched direct and terrifying attacks—shooting and killing people, injuring many, entering homes, vandalizing property, and making indiscriminate arrests. In one word, in those areas, the BSF represents fear and hatred.

Meanwhile, in Hindu neighborhoods, the BSF is seen by many as a protector. It was evident that Shamsherganj police station had effectively handed over control to the BSF, which then allowed terror to be unleashed—against Muslims on one side and, simultaneously, against Hindus on the other.

Conclusion and Emerging Demands

Mainstream media has widely broadcasted the narrative of "Hindus under attack" in relation to the violent incidents in Jafrabadh, portraying it through a communal lens. However, the police-led (or police and goon-backed) terror in Kashemnagar and Kumrapur, where young boys were beaten, arbitrarily detained, and charged under severe criminal sections; along with the acts of terror against Muslims in Dhuliyan Bazaar, have been entirely suppressed.

We appeal to all democratic organizations and responsible independent journalists to stand with the affected people of Shamsherganj and Suti. It is imperative to expose the criminal inaction of the police on one hand, and the blatantly violent, communal nature of their operations on the other, and to bring these truths before the public. The events in Shamsherganj and Suti are being used by the BJP and RSS to spread lies and poisonous hatred in the state. We must stand united against this saffron conspiracy.

Demands

1. The criminals were allowed to carry out murder and terror so freely right under the nose of the police in Dhuliyan and Jafrabadh. The ruling Trinamool government must take its responsibility. A judicial inquiry must be conducted, and a report published within a fixed timeframe. The attackers must be identified and severely punished.
2. Symbolic transfers are not enough. The Officer-in-Charge (OC) of Shamsherganj and Suti police stations, along with the Sub-Divisional Police Officer (SDPO), must be suspended and brought under investigation immediately.
3. Raise your voice against the BJP’s despicable communal politics that seeks to blame an entire community for the violence.
4. Unite against the BJP’s conspiracy to spread hatred and provoke riots.
5. The TMC govt. must answer why the state unleashed terror against the just and constitutional protest against Waqf amendment, beating up innocent youth, arresting them on false charges, and conducting police raids on homes. We demand the immediate release of the unjustly detained youth and minors.

The Fact finding team led by CPIML CC member Comrade Jayatu Deshmukh comprised of Comrades Malay Tewari, Ranajay Sengupta, Chandrasmita Chowdhury, Barsha Baral, Madhurima Bakshi, Ritam Maji, Manbhola Chowdhury, Rajib Ray and Priya Ram.